So, Hillary has decided 43 has not been tough enough on Iran! Don't laugh: Anytime a Democrat these days even talks tough it is a step forward. Here's what she said Wednesday last week (1/18): "I believe that we lost critical time in
dealing with Iran because the White House chose to downplay the threats
and to outsource the negotiations." Better still: "We cannot take any option off the table in
sending a clear message to the current leadership of Iran that they
will not be permitted to acquire nuclear weapons." Of Iran's President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (Hitler's surname in Farsi?), he who wants Israel wiped off the map, the junior senator from the Empire State said: "[He] is moving to create his own nuclear reality in line with his despicable rewriting of history." All true. Yes: Hillary is right--but on the past, not the future.
Sanctioning Iran: Too Little, Too Late
OK, give Hillary credit for being more "realist" than her UN-besotted party base. But Senator 2008 does not grasp the limits of sanctions as substantive policy. The main value of sanctions against Iran would have been to prove their futility, and thus make carrying out a military option more politically feasible. But now it is too late: We simply do not have the time anymore, having squandered several years with European diplomat and UN bureaucrat games.
To see this more clearly, hark back to Iraq under Saddam. In the 1990s my late uncle, the strategist Albert Wohlstetter (a fixture in national security circles for five decades) said, opposing sanctions against Iraq: "Saddam's capacity to inflict pain on his people infinitely exceeds ours." It was the Iraqi hoi polloi who suffered under sanctions; Saddam still built palaces funded by oil revenues via his corruption of the UN oil-for-food program. Saddam willingly accepted a steep decline in Iraq's GDP--prosperity of his people was not his agenda. Nor is growing GDP at the top of Iran's Islamofascist agenda.
The model for successful use of sanctions was the Reagan Administration. Sanctions helped end apartheid in South Africa and Rhodesia (since 1980, Zimbabwe); they worked against a relatively weak, and thus vulnerable, states. Against a stronger state like the former Soviet Union more care had to be exercised. Reagan rightly lifted the Carter Administration's grain embargo against the Soviets, because all it did was replace American farm supplies with grain from Australia, Argentina and Canada. Thus that embargo hurt American farmers, not the Soviets.
However, Reagan successfully embargoed high-technology products in 1982. By denying the Soviets access to advanced information technology, plus specialized oil-drilling equipment, he hurt the Soviets in key economic sectors and above all in their military sector, on whose power the regime depended for its world position and internal cohesion. Reagan understood that just as precision-guided munitions (PGMs) are great for targeting military assets while minimizing collateral damage, sanctions should equally be precise--in effect, economic PGMs. By hurting the Soviet leaders and their power-assets, while minimizing collateral damage to the captive Russian people, Reagan accelerated the downfall of the Evil Empire.
So, it takes special conditions for sanctions to work--if they work, which often they don't. But sanctions have an Achilles heel: Even when successful they take time--lots of it, far more than we likely have with Iran. Most current estimates see Iran "going critical" (having enough weapons-grade material to make bombs within weeks) within three years. The former Rhodesia lasted 13 years (1967-1980) before a black regime won (and it was ghastly); South Africa lasted 27 years (1967-1994); Russia lasted a decade (1982-1992). Saddam lasted 12 years under sanctions that did not work, with great suffering endured by the Iraqi people--that Saddam caused and for which he blamed us. (The West was even blamed for medical supply shortages, despite that item not being on the embargo list--another triumph for global media.)
Iran (Alas) Has Options, Too
Iran is a medium-strength regional power, floating on oil, that has sponsored transnational terror worldwide; in 1983 Hezbollah's Marine barracks bombing killed 241 and drove Ronald Reagan's America out of Lebanon. Economic sanctions could hurt Iran--denial of Western investment, or refusing to sell key oil equipment. But they will likely hurt Iran less than Iran can hurt the world: playing with the oil supply or even by impeding transit through the choke-point Straits of Hormuz that lead into the Persian Gulf. Iran could also unleash the 25 al-Qai'da leaders they currently shelter, or set Hezbollah terror against US targets--they already did so recently against Israel. Sanctions against Iran likely will replay Jimmy Carter's failed grain embargo against the Soviets, by hurting the wrong people (the captive population and Western publics) while leaving intact the true target (Iran's leaders).
Indicative of the fear Iran inspires is what Italy's Foreign Minister said re Israel launching a pre-emptive strike against Iran's nuclear program: "With the same firmness with which I say that Iran
represents a danger and therefore we need to be very firm and very
decisive ... I tell Israel that you cannot and must not think of
launching a pre-emptive attack because it would set the whole Middle
East and the whole world on fire for who knows how many decades." This as Israel announces that it has definitive proof that last Thursday's (1/19) suicide bombing in Tel Aviv was carried out by Syria with Iranian funds. And now, with the charm that has become Iranian officialdom's hallmark, its defense minister said on 1/24: "Zionists should know that if they do anything evil
against Iran, the response of Iran's armed forces will be so firm that
it will send them into eternal coma, like Sharon."
The West Is Sharply Divided Over What (If Anything) To Do
Fareed Zakharia writes in the 1/30 US News & World Report that neither sanctions nor a military strike will work. He sees the Iranians as being years away from success. He advocates a broad, multilateral strategy of containment. David Brooks writes in his 1/22 NY Times column that there are four policy camps on Iran: (1) pre-emptionsts, who advocate a quick military strike; (2) sanctionists, who believe economic warfare can work; (3) reformists, who press for surgical (what Colin Powell, re Saddam, called "smart") sanctions; (4) silent fatalists, who see Iran's emergence as a nuclear power inevitable. Brooks thinks all four options "stink." He sees us arguing among these options endlessly, without result. Sadly, he may well be right.
Ruel Marc Gerecht, ex-CIA & now with AEI, writes in the 1/30 Weekly Standard that the Foggy Bottom types who persuaded 43 to let Europe take the lead re Iran in 2003 knew that the Europeans weren't serious about stopping the Iranian bomb. Gerecht recalls that prior efforts at "engagement" with Iran--Carter NSA chief Zbigniew Brzezinski's trip to Algeria in 1979, Reagan NSA chief Robert MacFarlane's disastrous 1986 visit that led to Iran-contra, Clinton Secretary of State Madeleine Albright's 2000 flop--all failed. He advocates tough sanctions: serious economic ones plus denying Iranian students Western technical education--plus sending notice that there are trip-wires that, if crossed, will cause a US military strike. Gerecht also argues that promoting democracy in Iran (and in Egypt) is essential for the credibility of 43's pro-democratic agenda, much more so than in pushing for reform in marginal places like Pakistan and Libya. He thinks the CIA comatose on Iran, lacking staff resources to do much useful.
This is a very small sample of serious observers, but should suffice. The West's policy towards Iran is incoherent: diffuse, tentative, belied by its obvious reluctance to back sanctions by the threat--let alone actual use--of military force if sanctions fail.
Time: The Clock is Running--Against Us, Not the Mullahs
Worse, time is on Iran's side. There are two clocks running: (1) Iran's progress towards going critical; (2) the time that must pass before a military option becomes widely politically acceptable. Both clocks run against the West. Worst of all is not if sanctions collapse now, but if they are adopted. If so they would delay any military option until sanctions are widely perceived as futile, which would take years. Monday 1/30 the five Security Council powers plus Germany will meet in London to try and reach a common position on Iran prior to a 2/2 IAEA meeting in Vienna. Pray that they fail, lest time-killing sanctions freeze military options indefinitely. If sanctions might plausibly work, prayer for their use would make sense; if surely futile, pray for failure.
Christopher Dickey writes in the current Newsweek that the key diplomatic date is 3/6, not 2/2. Mohammed el-Baradei, the UN-sponsored IAEA's chief nuclear inspector and Nobel Peace laureate (he got his prize for stalling US and Israeli military action against Iran), promises a definitive report on that date. In an interview (link below) with Dickey the inspector, asked about Iran's leaders not seeming to care what the IAEA does, answered: "Well, they might not seem to care. But if I say that I am not able to
confirm the peaceful nature of that program after three years of
intensive work, well, that's a conclusion that's going to reverberate,
I think, around the world." To be fair, el-Baradei comes across as sincere, but his vision of graduated escalation against Iran is surrealistic.
Dickey, for his part, itemizes how Iran has played footsie, going back as far as 1987--nearly 20 years: (1) concealing information, as yet not detailed, from A.Q. Khan, the Pakistani enrichment expert, in 1987 & 1994; (2) bulldozing a site, Lavizan, after it was identified as a suspect site, and refusing to allow environmental soil samples to be taken; (3) keeping mum on a laptop stolen from Iran in 2004, sent by the CIA to the IAEA, that showed hundreds of pages of what appear to be nuclear weapons designs; (4) giving IAEA inspectors two cardboard boxes in 2004, to be examined in a government room, with inspectors finding 10 pages showing a design for casting uranium in a spherical form consistent with a weapon configuration--the Iranians refused them permission to copy the documents and have stonewalled since. Dickey advocates sanctions if the 3/6 deadline passes without Iran coming across with answers. He believes that the Iranians will reject a "let Ivan do it" enrichment deal, as not only has Persia feared Russia over the centuries, but Russia recently cut off natural gas supplies to Ukraine and Europe, and likely sabotaged energy pipelines in Georgia and Armenia. But an Iranian official yesterday called this option open.
If Sanctions Fail, What Might Work (No, Not International Law)?
Leave us first put "international law" to bed, once and for all. International law works great if there is a fishing dispute between Norway and Denmark. It takes a while, but no one gets hurt and everyone goes home safe and sound. In the area of WMD, a treaty can work--with nations you need not lose sleep over. Feel relieved that Australia signed the Chemical Weapons Treaty? Just in time--Canberra was on the brink of striking America's West coast! (OK, to be fair, the 1987 INF Treaty banning US & Soviet medium-range ballistic missiles from Europe worked. But it worked because Gorbachev abandoned his regime's historic goals; absent Gorbachev's change, the Treaty would have failed, as did earlier arms treaties due to massive violations by the Soviets.) Alas, international law does not work so well against certain folks. Hitler stomped on the 1928 Kellogg-Briand Pact outlawing war as an instrument of state policy. Iran's Islamist leaders have sworn fealty to one law--their God, whose sacred words are found not at The Hague, but in the Qu'ran. Twelver Shi'a devotees await the return of the Child (Hidden) Imam and the ensuing apocalyptic Judgment Day. They do not consult Western law professors.
Which leaves force, and timing issues. Given the landmark 3/6 IAEA deadline, any strike before that date would have to be based upon airtight intelligence, a prospect that is essentially zero. One Iranian dissident group, notes Jed Babbin in 1/23's TAS, has predicted an Iranian nuclear bomb test before March 20--this year. So if the Iranians can "go critical" before 3/6 chalk up game, set and match for the mullahs. But on the assumption that Iran is not quite that close, what will work?
Force, or the credible threat of same. Above all, any military option threatened or executed against Iran must be comprehensive, aimed at destabilizing the regime at minimum, decapitating it at maximum. Iran's leaders must be made to know that pursuing nuclear weapons endangers them, that wrecking the oil market endangers them and that sponsoring transnational terror endangers them. (Yes, a big oil price hike justifies military action--why accept economic blackmail that costs us hundreds of billions--perhaps trillions--of dollars? That triumph of self-restraint led in 1974 to OPEC ascendancy and the consequent financing of war, terror and the spread of Islamist fanaticism.)
Max Boot's 1/25 column does counter one anti-strike argument, by noting that far from causing the population to rally around a hated regime a successful strike can undermine further its prestige. But Boot worries that Iran will retaliate against US efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan. This is precisely why a military option should aim at destroying the regime. Tony Blankley's 1/25 column traces a number of regional permutations--rivalry with Saudi Wahhabism for jihadist primacy, rivalry with Turkey and Egypt, too; his piece covers a broad range and is worth a look. Writing in the Weekly Standard counter-terror expert David Gartenstein Ross says that the fissures within Iran can be exploited to the West's advantage. This is perhaps true, but how quickly? Probably not quickly enough, one suspects. (Democracy stalwart Mike Ledeen may dispute this, and he has proven prescient about much in Iran over the past 30 years.)
Iran's determination should not be underestimated, if Pakistan's history is any guide: Regarding nuclear programs, recall that in the early 1970s Pakistan's then-ruler, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, said of the country's nascent nuclear program that his people would "eat grass" in pursuit of an Islamic bomb. (That choice Bhutto made for his subjects; be consoled that his diet wasn't grass.) Money, to fanatics, is not what counts. John Bolton, truth-teller extraordinaire, says that 43 will not accept a nuclear Iran because he fears the mullahs might unleash a nuclear Holocaust.
Only if faced with the concrete prospect of their imminent demise might Iran's leaders be reigned in. Alas, despite Hillary's tough talk there is no convincing sign that many in the West are ready to use necessary force to stop Iran's march towards joining the global nuclear club. Historian Victor Davis Hanson is even more pessimistic: He believes that even if Iran destroys Israel with a nuclear first-strike (what Cold War strategists called a "bolt from the blue"--a move deemed by strategists possible only given a nut case--just who might that be today?), much of the world is too addicted to oil and the pleasures it makes possible to care about the fate of Israel and the Jews. In his view, were Israel nuked, in short order the world would simply move on. The indisposition of "world opinion" to end anti-Semitism at the UN, and its persistence in Europe makes Hanson's prophecy chillingly conceivable.
To preclude this, and many other plausible future horrors, it is best to issue a final ultimatum (as did Bush, Blair & Howard to Saddam) ASAP after Iran fails the 3/6 test (a certitude) and serious sanction efforts stall (a near-certitude). If Iran (as is likely) balks, then a massive military strike should be launched with regime change the strategic aim. A successor regime likely would be military at first, then might flower into democracy. Were it to stay a dictatorship at least it would not be theocratic, jihadist, terror-sponsoring, imperialist, WMD-bent and half-insane. If the West--and, especially, the US--must pay a steep political price for action, as seems certain, let it be paid in pursuit of all the marbles.
Sen. Clinton Calls for Sanctions Against Iran
Hanson: End-of-Days Worldview
Zakharia: Time to Face Reality on Iran
Brooks: Hating the Bomb
Gerecht: Coming Soon, Nuclear Theocrats?
Himmelfarb: Islamofascist Solidarity Day
Brookes: Iran: Our Military Options
Babbin: Iran Showdown
IntlJPost.com: Bolton: Bush Won't Tolerate Nuclear Iran
Boot: Iran's Threat, Bush's Dilemma
NY Times: Six Powers to Meet in London to Seek Common Iran Stance
Blankley: Why Fear Iranian Nukes?
Gartenstein-Ross: The Mullah Wars
Jerusalem Post: Iran Threatens 'Eternal Coma' Retaliation Against Israel
Dickey: Countdown to a Showdown
Newsweek Interview With Mohammed el-Baradei: Diplomacy and Force